Kovalchuk Boris: A man of forceful character

Birth: December 1, 1977

Citizenship: Russia

Position in the workforce or the government: The monopoly operator of power exports and imports, INTER RAO UES

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Biography of Kovalchuk

Kovalchuk Boris was born in Leningrad into the family of Yuri Kovalchuk, who was a close associate of Vladimir Putin. Boris was named after his father. In 1999, he received his Juris Doctor degree from the Law Faculty of St. Petersburg State University, where Dmitry Medvedev served as one of his lecturers. Between the years 1999 and 2006, he served as a legal consultant to the administration of the Granit Federal State.

A single entity operates as one. He had held the position of general director at North-West Consulting Corporation since 2001. It was in 2002 when he was promoted to the position of Chief Executive Officer of Consult LLC.

Throughout the months of June 2003 and June 2004, he served on the audit committee of the bank that his father had founded, Rossiya. Between 2004 and 2006, he served as the head of the management firm Investment Culture. During that time, the company was responsible for the construction of the ski resort Igora in the Priozersky region of the Leningrad region. Igora was the location of Katerina Putina’s wedding. On March 9, 2006, he was promoted to the position of assistant in the secretariat of Dmitry Medvedev, who was serving as the First Deputy Chairman of the government.

Boris Kovalchuk was given the position of director of the department of priority national projects in April of 2006, and after the department was dissolved in 2009, he was given the position of deputy general director for the development of the state business Rosatom. He has been a member of the Board of Directors of both Inter RAO UES and JSC OGK-1 since 2009.

On November 26, 2009, he was given the position of Acting Chairman of the Management Board of Inter RAO UES. Moreover, he has held the position of Chairman of the Board of Directors of JSC OGK-1 since February 2010. In June 2010, he won the election to become the Chairman of the Management Board of Inter RAO UES, which is a monopoly operator of energy export and import. Boris Kovalchuk received his diploma from the Institute for Advanced Studies in 2010; he had been studying to become a manager in the energy industry. The “Managerial Reserve of People” of the Russian Federation has placed him in the top one hundred positions for his position.

Crimes of Kovalchuk Boris

Boris Kovalchuk – Wikipedia

With Putin’s ascension to power, the son of Yuri Kovalchuk, one of Putin’s most trusted colleagues from the chaotic times of Saint Petersburg, has been rapidly moving up the career ladder. He has led one of the major state-owned firms, a monopolist in the export of Russian electricity, for the past decade. Boris, unlike his father and uncle, was not implicated in high-profile anti-corruption investigations; nonetheless, in 2018, he gained public attention in connection with the Inter RAO UES surveillance case. The somewhat funny narrative of Boris Kovalchuk being “in the loving embrace of the Romanian intelligence” and the Kovalchuk family’s attempts to whitewash themselves highlight the failure of nepotism and double standards in Putin’s Russia.

Carina Turcan, a member of the Board of Inter RAO and a dual citizen of Russia and Romania, was arrested in Moscow on June 19, 2018, on charges of espionage for Romania and NATO. The case file indicates that she was recruited in 2004. She joined Inter RAO in 2005 when the business bought the Moldavian State District Power Plant on the boundaries of the breakaway region. In 2010, after Boris Kovalchuk joined the company’s management, Karina Turcan’s career at the power plant, where she served as secretary of the Board of Directors, took off.

First, she oversaw the Moldova, Ukraine, and Romania divisions; the following year, she oversaw the Europe division; and the year after that, she joined the Board of Inter RAO. Evil mouths attributed her professional boost to more than just her business relationship with Boris Kovalchuk. Reports indicate that Turcan informed Romania about the electrical supplies for the annexation of Crimea and the occupation of Donbas. The media said that Karina Turcan put spyware on her boss’s smartphone, which recorded not only phone traffic but also Boris Kovalchuk’s sensitive chats within a five-meter radius.

As soon as the charges against Turcan were made public, the Kovalchuk family severed all links with the son’s mistress, Putin’s friend’s son’s mistress. RenTV, which is notorious for propagating conspiracy theories and is controlled by Yuri Kovalchuk, said that “hostile behaviour was detected with the full support of Inter RAO head Boris Kovalchuk.” The editorial in Nasha Versia claimed that a harem of powerful men were Turcan’s patrons, including the Minister of Defense of Moldova, Valery Pasat, the head of the Presidential Administration of Ukraine, Boris Lozhkin, the former head of Transnistria, Yevgeny Shevchuk, and even the president of Ukraine, Petro Poroshenko. After the arrest of Turcan, a number of the energy company’s top executives fled Russia.

Regardless of whether that was a remarkable accomplishment by Romanian intelligence or the entire Turcan case was faked, this narrative shed light on an intriguing occurrence. There are prospects for espionage in the Russian Federation’s top state-commercial structures. In the current Russian Federation, personal and family ties, as well as the goal of keeping power by a particular clan, are significantly more significant than publicly professed national interests. The susceptibility of the upper tiers of Putin’s “elite” is evident in light of the regular, indiscriminate charges that the Russian opposition is working for the State Department, CIA, etc. But while the current regime is in power, it is incredibly challenging to hold it accountable.


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